In Burkina Faso, the figure of Thomas Sankara has long transcended the status of a historical reference. It now occupies a defining place in the political narrative advanced by Ibrahim Traoré’s government. Behind the official tributes, the military ceremonies and the rising mausoleum, one question demands attention: is the present leadership gradually appropriating Sankara’s image in order to consolidate its own legitimacy?
The alignment is not merely a matter of outside commentary. It surfaces in the state’s own communication.
A monthly ritual and an official declaration of continuity
Since 2026, the Burkinabè government has staged a military ceremony devoted to Thomas Sankara every month, an initiative presented as having been ordered by Ibrahim Traoré himself. Official rhetoric goes further still: during a tribute in February 2026, the president’s chief of staff stated that Sankara’s “torch” is now carried by Ibrahim Traoré.
This staging of historical continuity raises a substantive question: does Ibrahim Traoré simply wish to honour Sankara, or does he seek to present himself as the man who has taken up and continued his struggle?
The distinction matters.
Thomas Sankara belongs to the history of Burkina Faso and to the memory of millions of Africans. Yet there also exists a family memory, upheld in particular by his widow, Mariam Sankara, his children, and his brothers and sisters. On this point, the relationship between the family and the transitional authorities has never been as consensual as the official account might suggest.
The rupture of February 2023
The most revealing precedent dates to February 2023.
Following the exhumation of the bodies of Thomas Sankara and his twelve companions, the government decided to reinter them on the site of the former Conseil de l’Entente, now known as the Thomas Sankara Memorial. The symbolic weight was considerable: it was on that very ground that Sankara and his companions were assassinated on 15 October 1987.
The Sankara family objected.
On 16 February 2023, Mariam Sankara, her two sons Philippe and Auguste, and the siblings of the late president addressed Ibrahim Traoré directly, urging him to abandon the plan. They proposed three alternatives: Dagnoën cemetery, the Jardin de l’Amitié and the Jardin Yennenga.
The disagreement then became public.
The family considered the decision to have been taken without genuine consensus and declined to take part in the ceremony. On 21 February, it confirmed that it would be neither present nor represented at the burial.
On 23 February, the ceremony went ahead regardless.
The authorities pressed on. The family kept its distance.
This sequence is indispensable to understanding what followed, because Traoré’s government would progressively make Sankara’s memory a central element of its own political narrative.
From tribute to institutional heritage
Since that period, the institutional presence of Sankara has only intensified.
The mausoleum intended for Thomas Sankara and his twelve companions was built on the Memorial site. Ibrahim Traoré laid its foundation stone on 15 October 2023, and it was inaugurated in May 2025. The project is officially described as a means of preserving and promoting the political legacy of the father of the August 1983 revolution.
In 2026, this memorial policy acquired a further dimension through the monthly military ceremonies.
Through such initiatives, the authorities no longer confine themselves to commemorating Sankara. They organise, institutionalise and stage his memory.
Here lies one of the major political stakes.
Within the official account, Ibrahim Traoré can appear as the man who has at last fully rehabilitated Sankara, restored his memory and resumed his struggle.
Government discourse openly suggests as much. In June 2026, during a tribute at the Memorial, the minister of foreign affairs declared that Sankara’s torch is carried “with dignity and commitment” by Ibrahim Traoré.
Such a presentation mechanically draws the two figures closer in the collective imagination: Sankara, the assassinated revolutionary; Traoré, the young captain portrayed as the one taking up the torch.
An intimate memory the state cannot fully contain
It is precisely here that the family’s position becomes central.
For Thomas Sankara’s relatives, his legacy cannot be reduced to an instrument of political communication or a backdrop for legitimising power.
His remains, his place of burial and his family memory carry an intimate dimension that the state cannot entirely absorb.
Yet since 2023, the authorities have taken charge of much of the institutional staging of that memory: the reinterment, the mausoleum, the military ceremonies, the official tributes, the discourse on sovereignty and the constant references to the revolution.
The paradox is striking: the government that today claims Sankara’s political inheritance is also the one with which part of his family found itself at odds over the very disposition of his remains.
This is not to assert that Ibrahim Traoré personally seeks to “take” Sankara from his family. Such an intention would be a matter of interpretation and would require further evidence.
What the facts do allow is a different observation: the government is progressively constructing a narrative in which Ibrahim Traoré appears as the political heir of Captain Sankara and as the man who has resumed his struggle.
This construction is far from inconsequential.
It allows the current leadership to place itself within an exceptionally powerful revolutionary lineage in Burkina Faso. It also provides a historical reference capable of lending ideological depth to its own discourse on sovereignty, pan-Africanism and independence.
Researchers have noted the frequency with which Traoré invokes Sankara’s memory, and the way his political rhetoric adopts certain themes associated with the former president, notably sovereignty and the rejection of external dependence.
Who holds the right to a memory?
This remains the most delicate question.
Thomas Sankara is not merely a statue, a mausoleum or a military ceremony. He is also a family history, a painful memory and a political struggle whose interpretation cannot be imposed by decree.
The transitional authorities may legitimately honour his memory. They may restore sites, organise ceremonies and preserve archives. But another question persists: can they, in the name of that rehabilitation, present themselves as the natural custodians of his inheritance?
The precedent of 2023 shows, in any case, that the Sankara family has not always accepted the authorities’ choices regarding this memory.
And therein lies the entire ambiguity of the present narrative.
By repeatedly presenting himself as the one who “carries the torch” of Sankara, Ibrahim Traoré risks shifting the memory of a man assassinated in 1987 into a different story: that of a contemporary government seeking to inscribe its own name in the continuity of the revolution.
Sankara left behind a body of work and a body of thought. Traoré is today building his own power. Between the two, the memory of Thomas Sankara has become a major political issue.
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