On July 30, 2023, just four days after the coup against President Mohamed Bazoum, ECOWAS issued a clear demand: the CNSP (National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland) must reinstate the deposed president. The regional body also announced sanctions and threatened military intervention, signaling a firm stance on Niger politics.

This ultimatum was promptly rejected by Mali and Burkina Faso, two nations also under military leadership, who deemed it a declaration of war. Consequently, addressing the complex Niger ECOWAS relations cannot be done in isolation; the positions of Mali and Burkina Faso are intrinsically linked to the situation in Niamey. These three countries later formalized their alliance as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a concrete step towards their eventual withdrawal from the sub-regional organization. While their official departure from ECOWAS took effect in late January 2025, channels for dialogue between the two blocs remain open.

Lansana Kouyaté spearheads mediation efforts

Pape Ibrahima Kane, an international organizations specialist, highlights a crucial development: the AES countries have accepted the appointment of former Guinean Prime Minister, Lansana Kouyaté, as ECOWAS’s principal negotiator with the Alliance. This marks a significant step in the ongoing diplomatic efforts.

“At the recent ECOWAS meeting held on Saturday, July 18, 2026, in Freetown, the new President of the ECOWAS Commission, Senegal’s Birame Diop, was instructed to prioritize regional security issues in the initial discussions,” Kane explains. He further adds, “We are at the beginning of a very promising process because both parties are truly on the same wavelength to engage in dialogue.”

Kane emphasizes Niger’s unique reliance on Nigeria and Bénin, both ECOWAS members, for its electricity supply and access to the vital Cotonou port. He is confident that Lansana Kouyaté will carefully consider this specificity, along with the broader dynamics of the AES, in his negotiations with ECOWAS. This focus on practical dependencies underscores the complexities of Niger ECOWAS relations.

Romuald Wadagni’s diplomatic overtures

Further encouraging signs for continued dialogue include the appointment of Bassirou Diomaye Faye as the current ECOWAS Chairman. Faye had already visited the AES countries in May 2024, shortly after his election. Additionally, the new leadership in Bénin, under Romuald Wadagni, has made significant diplomatic moves. Wadagni chose Niger for his inaugural visit after his investiture, before proceeding to Burkina Faso and Mali, signaling a proactive approach to West Africa Niger relations.

Pape Ibrahima Kane observes that “Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Romuald Wadagni are in a much better position than their predecessors, who faced strong accusations. There is also a new team taking charge at ECOWAS in Abuja, which will roll out a program less rigid than the previous one.” This shift in leadership could prove pivotal for the future of Niger politics and regional stability.

Sahanine Mahamadou, a special advisor to Mohamed Bazoum responsible for NGOs and customary, religious, social, and humanitarian affairs, asserts that ECOWAS has consistently sought dialogue with Niger. “It has always been the military who resisted dialogue. If these individuals are truly patriots, they must seek avenues to hand power back to civilians, because the world has evolved; it is no longer feasible for military forces to govern our states.”

Mahamadou’s statements subtly advocate for the return of Mohamed Bazoum to power. The ousted Nigerien president has yet to sign his resignation. A European Parliament resolution passed in March, with near unanimity, condemned the detention of Mohamed Bazoum and his wife, calling for their immediate release. Niamey, however, vehemently denounced this non-binding text as interference and paternalism, highlighting the sensitivities around Niger news English coverage.

The unresolved fate of Mohamed Bazoum

For Jérôme Pigné, president and founder of the Strategic Reflection Network on Sahel Security, a critical question looms: how should the European Union uphold its values with Niger while simultaneously maintaining open dialogue with Niamey? “Evidently, the illegal detention of President Mohamed Bazoum is a thorn in the side of the European Union when it seeks to engage with Niger. But more broadly, Europeans must decide what they truly want. Is it to compromise on principles in the name of realpolitik? It’s a balancing act, and currently, no one has found a definitive solution.”

Pigné reminds us that Niger was a long-standing partner of the EU, which is now “rethinking its cooperation framework with Niger, as well as with its neighbors.” He affirms that “dialogue is necessary, and it exists.” This ongoing dialogue is crucial for addressing Niger security concerns.

A study published last March by the German Foundation for Science and Politics (SWP) in Berlin suggested that “Europe should offer comprehensive support to the current military regimes to stabilize their countries.” This support could involve strengthening military and security cooperation, including “providing intelligence, military equipment, and investments in security force training.”

According to the SWP, the EU can also contribute to improving the economic situation in Niger and other Sahelian nations. The foundation urges continued political dialogue with regional political and social actors but cautions that “Europe should not expect to change the juntas’ behavior.” This pragmatic approach aims to foster stability amidst the complex Niger politics landscape.