Chad’s deepening authoritarianism: a return to single-party rule?

Chad’s deepening authoritarianism: a return to single-party rule?

N’Djamena’s current administration appears set on perpetuating a destructive cycle of coups and violent internal strife.

Just two weeks after their initial arrest for organizing a protest against governance issues in Chad, eight prominent opposition figures received harsh sentences of eight years in prison. Their collective, the “Groupe de concertation des acteurs politiques” (GCAP), had planned a demonstration for May 2nd.

The day prior to these convictions, on May 7th, Chad’s Supreme Court announced the official dissolution of GCAP, which stood as the nation’s primary opposition coalition. These eight leaders now join Succès Masra, the influential opposition leader and head of the Transformateurs party, who was previously sentenced in August 2025 to twenty years imprisonment on charges of “incitement to hatred.”

These developments mark a significant stride towards increased authoritarianism within the country. With the effective silencing of GCAP leaders, the ruling Patriotic Salvation Movement, led by President Mahamat Idriss Déby, now faces virtually no credible challenge. Without a robust opposition, Chad’s democratic aspirations risk complete collapse.

Public demonstrations have been systematically banned for over six years. Some of these peaceful gatherings have faced brutal repression, notably in October 2022, when approximately 200 protesters lost their lives, and many others sustained injuries or were arrested.

The detention of GCAP officials and the subsequent dissolution of the coalition by the Supreme Court raise serious concerns about the escalating use of the judicial system as a tool for political repression. Lawyers representing the detained leaders vehemently protest their clients’ incarceration without formal charges. Following a swift trial, they were convicted of charges including criminal association, insurrectionary movement, rebellion, and illegal possession of weapons of war – all accusations their legal teams dispute.

The arrests of eight opposition leaders signal a further slide into authoritarianism.

Similar to the case involving Masra, the trial of the GCAP leaders has sparked widespread outrage among civil society organizations and the opposition alike. It appears to be a blatant attempt to constrict public space and further destabilize the political landscape. Expressing deep concern, the United Nations has reiterated the critical importance of upholding freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, in line with Chad’s human rights obligations and international commitments.

Beyond the systematic prohibition of demonstrations and the weaponization of the judiciary to silence dissenting voices, the use of lethal force is increasingly becoming normalized, even in seemingly ordinary situations.

On April 29th, activists celebrating the eighth anniversary of the Transformateurs party were subjected to an armed assault. This attack resulted in one fatality, two severe injuries, and the abduction and torture of the party’s treasurer. While the government has pledged to prosecute those responsible, such incidents have regrettably become commonplace in recent years.

The shrinking of public space and the suppression of opposition in Chad have intensified significantly since the political transition began in 2021, following the death of President Idriss Déby Itno. The nation now risks descending into a de facto single-party regime, reminiscent of the eras under Presidents François Tombalbaye (1960-1975) and Hissène Habré (1982-1990). During those periods, only parties aligned with the ruling power were permitted, functioning primarily as pro-regime propaganda instruments and controlling public discourse.

Under Idriss Déby Itno (1990-2021), elections were consistently disputed, and the Constitution underwent multiple revisions to eliminate presidential term limits.

Disproportionate use of force could radicalize citizens, especially the youth.

Both Tombalbaye and Habré ultimately fell victim to coups d’état, while Déby himself was killed battling rebels attempting to overthrow his rule. These reversals, alongside numerous coup attempts and insurrections, underscore Chad’s enduring history of resorting to force for political change.

Since 1964, a mere four years after gaining independence, Chad has been plagued by recurrent cycles of deadly conflict and persistent instability, leaving a profound and lasting impact on its society.

Less than three years after the supposed return to constitutional order, Parliament amended the Constitution, despite it having been crafted through an inclusive and sovereign national dialogue. In October 2025, the presidential term was extended to seven years. This serves as yet another clear indication of the ruling party’s determination to consolidate its dominance over the political arena.

Current Chadian leaders must reflect on and draw crucial lessons from the nation’s darker historical periods. Beyond simply resuming dialogue between the government, opposition parties, and civil society, it is imperative to safeguard fundamental freedoms of association and expression. Respect for the separation of powers is absolutely essential for preserving judicial independence and upholding the rule of law. 

Law enforcement agencies must improve their crowd management techniques, employing appropriate and proportionate measures. To achieve this, a revision of public order doctrines, enhanced training for officers, and oversight of their operations by independent authorities and human rights associations are crucial.

Regional and international organizations must re-engage in calling for dialogue.

The repeated and disproportionate use of force, which frequently turns lethal, is highly detrimental. It risks provoking citizens, particularly the youth, towards violence and radicalization, significantly increasing the potential for escalation during confrontations.

Given the government’s firm stance, the adoption of these crucial measures appears unlikely. In the absence of credible dissenting voices within Chad, regional and international organizations must once again advocate strongly for dialogue. This includes, among others, the African Union, the Economic Community of Central African States, and the United Nations, all of whom supported Chad’s transition and the return to constitutional order.

While the concerns voiced by the UN are a positive step, more proactive advocacy with Chadian partners would undoubtedly yield more productive outcomes.