Citizens’ power in Senegal: rebuilding democracy after crisis

Since the historic March 2024 transition in Senegal that brought Bassirou Diomaye Faye to power, the nation has stood at a pivotal crossroads. While the alternance represented a triumph of civic mobilization and democratic resilience, two years into the new administration, the sustainability of this civic momentum remains uncertain. The abandonment of direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court—despite being a cornerstone promise in the 2024 national dialogue—has emerged as a troubling symptom of institutional inertia, raising concerns about whether Senegal’s democratic refoundation can outpace its structural constraints.

The question now looms large: Can Senegal translate its hard-won civic energy into durable institutional changes that empower ordinary citizens beyond the ballot box? Or will the promise of a renewed civic contract—rooted in both modern governance and traditional ethical frameworks—fade into yet another unfulfilled democratic aspiration? This tension between civic energy and institutional capacity defines the current moment in Senegalese democracy.

the anatomy of civic power in Senegal: what does it mean to be a citizen?

A citizen in Senegal today is defined by more than just voting rights or protest movements. It encompasses a complex interplay of historical legacies, institutional frameworks, and ethical traditions that shape how individuals engage with public life. This article explores the genealogy of civic power in Senegal through three critical lenses:

• Philosophical traditions: Drawing from contemporary thinkers like Pierre Rosanvallon and Cynthia Fleury, who analyze the erosion of trust in representative democracy and the psychological dimensions of civic engagement.
• Legal and institutional frameworks: Examining the Senegalese Constitution, decentralization laws, and the role of bodies like the Constitutional Council and anti-corruption agencies.
• Cultural and ethical resources: Highlighting the enduring influence of pre-colonial institutions such as the Wolof penc (village assemblies) and ethical virtues like jom (honor), kersa (dignity), and teranga (hospitality).

This multifaceted approach is essential because Senegal’s civic power cannot be understood through imported democratic models alone. Instead, it must emerge from an articulation of universal principles and local realities—a hybrid model that respects both the legal guarantees of modern governance and the ethical frameworks that have sustained communities for centuries.

the paradox of modern citizenship

Modern citizenship, as conceptualized in the West, often prioritizes individual rights and procedural democracy. Yet, this model has struggled to take root in post-colonial contexts like Senegal, where the legacy of colonialism, economic inequality, and institutional weaknesses create persistent barriers. The Senegalese experience reveals a stark paradox: while citizens demand accountability and participation, the institutions designed to facilitate these demands remain inaccessible or ineffective for most.

For example, the Constitution of Senegal (2001), despite its progressive provisions, restricts direct citizen access to constitutional review. Only political authorities—such as the President or a tenth of parliamentarians—can trigger constitutional challenges, leaving ordinary citizens without a direct mechanism to defend their rights. This structural exclusion underscores the disconnect between democratic ideals and lived realities.

Meanwhile, traditional forms of civic engagement, such as the penc, offer a stark contrast. These assemblies, held under the baobab tree, emphasize consensus-building, inclusivity, and ethical responsibility. They are not mere relics of the past but living institutions that continue to shape local governance and social cohesion. The challenge for Senegal is to bridge these worlds: to integrate the procedural rigor of modern institutions with the ethical depth of traditional practices.

the crisis of civic power: when protest meets institutional limits

The period between 2021 and 2024 was a defining moment for Senegal’s civic power. Mass protests triggered by the arrest of opposition leader Ousmane Sonko, the controversial postponement of the 2024 presidential election, and the eventual victory of Bassirou Diomaye Faye represented a peak of civic mobilization. Yet, this energy has not translated seamlessly into institutional reform. The failure to implement key recommendations from the 2024 and 2025 national dialogues—such as direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court—has left many questioning whether the transition will amount to more than a change in leadership.

Cynthia Fleury’s analysis of resentment and democratic fatigue offers a critical lens for understanding this crisis. Senegal’s civic energy has been fueled by deep-seated frustrations: unemployment among youth (affecting up to 30% of those under 35), distrust in political elites, and a sense of marginalization among diaspora communities. While these grievances propelled the alternance, they also pose a risk. Without institutional outlets to channel this energy, resentment risks hardening into cynicism or even populist backlash—undermining the very democratic gains celebrated in 2024.

The situation is further complicated by the erosion of traditional civic virtues. Intellectuals like Mary Teuw Niane have warned that values such as ngor (integrity), jom (honor), and kersa (dignity) are fading in public life. Political opportunism, corruption, and divisive rhetoric are eroding the ethical foundations that once sustained Senegalese democracy. Yet, these virtues are not merely nostalgic ideals; they are practical resources that can revitalize civic engagement when paired with institutional reforms.

refounding democracy: seven pillars for civic renewal

To address these challenges, Senegal must embark on a refoundation of civic power that combines legal innovation, ethical renewal, and institutional strengthening. Below are seven proposals to guide this process:

1. empower citizens through direct constitutional access

Direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court must be enshrined in law. This would institutionalize the role of citizens as active guardians of the constitution, rather than passive beneficiaries of elite-driven governance. The 2024 national dialogue recommended this reform, but it has been sidelined in subsequent legislative proposals. Its inclusion would signal a commitment to democratic deepening and signal to citizens that their rights are not contingent on political mediation.

2. recognize traditional deliberative spaces

The penc and other traditional assemblies should be formally recognized as consultative bodies for local governance. For example, municipal decisions on urban planning, resource allocation, or social programs could be subject to mandatory consultation with these assemblies. This would not only enhance participatory democracy but also bridge the gap between formal institutions and community-based governance. Experiments in towns like Touba and Saint-Louis have shown the viability of such approaches, but they remain isolated initiatives.

3. cultivate civic virtues through education

Senegal’s civic education programs must move beyond rote memorization of institutions and symbols. Instead, they should integrate the ethical frameworks of jom, kersa, ngor, teranga and other Wolof virtues as practical tools for democratic engagement. This education should be grounded in both Senegalese traditions and global democratic theory, fostering a generation of citizens who are not only rights-bearing individuals but also ethical actors in public life.

4. strengthen independent oversight bodies

Institutions like the Court of Auditors, OFNAC (anti-corruption agency), and General Inspectorate of State must be granted full independence and the ability to receive direct citizen complaints. A unified digital platform for reporting corruption or maladministration would democratize oversight, ensuring that citizens are not dependent on political authorities to hold the state accountable. Transparency in these bodies’ operations and public follow-up on their recommendations would build trust and demonstrate a commitment to combating systemic corruption.

5. institutionalize national dialogues with transparency

The national dialogues of 2024 and 2025 represented a bold attempt to democratize reform processes. However, their credibility hinges on transparency and follow-through. A formal charter should govern these dialogues, outlining clear procedures for participant selection (including quotas for randomly selected citizens), deliberation rules, and mandatory public explanations for any deviations between recommendations and final legislation. This would prevent dialogues from becoming mere window dressing for pre-determined agendas.

6. address resentment through a politics of recognition

A politics of recognition must accompany economic and institutional reforms. This involves acknowledging historical injustices—such as slavery, colonialism, and post-independence violence—and addressing the dignity deficits that fuel public distrust. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission, inspired by the South African model but rooted in Senegalese traditions like jubbanti (reconciliation), could serve as a starting point. This is not just symbolic; it is a practical step toward healing the emotional fractures that undermine civic solidarity.

7. revitalize decentralization with participatory tools

The Act III of Decentralization (2013) remains underutilized due to lack of funding and participatory culture. To revitalize it, Senegal should mandate participatory budgets in municipalities (e.g., 10-20% of local budgets), annual citizen audits of municipal accounts, and public assemblies where local leaders account for their actions. These tools would transform citizens from passive recipients of services into co-managers of public affairs, aligning governance with the ethical and deliberative traditions of communities.

learning from others: global lessons for Senegal’s civic refoundation

Senegal is not alone in its quest to redefine civic power. Comparative experiences offer valuable insights:

• South Africa: Its 1996 Constitution grants direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court, a model Senegal could emulate. However, South Africa’s struggles with corruption and inequality underscore that institutional reforms must be paired with cultural and economic transformations.
• Tunisia: The 2011-2014 Constituent Assembly demonstrated the potential of inclusive deliberation to produce a progressive constitution. Yet, the subsequent democratic backsliding highlights the fragility of such gains without sustained civic vigilance.
• Benin: The 1990 National Conference set a precedent for peaceful transitions, but its later erosion serves as a cautionary tale about the need for robust institutions of civic oversight.
• France: The 2019-2020 Citizens’ Climate Convention showed how randomly selected citizens can contribute meaningfully to policy-making—but also illustrated the challenges of translating deliberative outcomes into political action.

These examples reveal a common thread: institutional reforms alone are insufficient. Civic power thrives when institutions are paired with a culture of participation, ethical responsibility, and collective memory. Senegal’s challenge is to synthesize these lessons into a model that is uniquely its own—a blend of legal innovation, ethical renewal, and participatory democracy.

the road ahead: risks and opportunities

The path to refounding civic power in Senegal is fraught with risks. Institutional inertia, political resistance, and economic constraints could derail even the most well-intentioned reforms. Yet, the opportunities are equally compelling. The 2024 alternance proved that Senegalese citizens are capable of mobilizing for democracy. The question now is whether this energy can be harnessed to build institutions that are responsive, inclusive, and ethical.

This refoundation will require more than legal changes or policy reforms. It will demand a cultural shift—one that reaffirms the value of jom in public life, that prioritizes masla (tactful conciliation) over divisive rhetoric, and that recognizes the dignity of all citizens, regardless of their background. It will also require a commitment to transparency and accountability, ensuring that the state is not only elected by the people but also serves them.

The stakes could not be higher. Senegal’s ability to refound its civic power will determine whether its democracy remains a beacon of hope in West Africa or becomes another cautionary tale of unfulfilled potential. The tools are available; the will must now follow.